NATIONALISM IN TANZANIA
• Defining African nationalism: is the desire of the African people to rule themselves, and terminate all kinds of foreign rule and exploitation.
• Basically it is the political will of the Africans to oppose all forms of foreign domination, but in favor of African rule. It presents African struggle against western colonialism and imperialism.
• Nationalism can generally be defined as the political expression of nationhood, which reflects the consciousness of belonging to a nation. It is the consciousness which people in given community have acquired about themselves, and it has to be base on the following attributes: common language, common culture, common territory with fixed boundaries, a common historical experience.
• Continuation
Origin of nationalist conscious
• There is a debate among historians on when and why nationalism began in Africa and Tanganyika in particular:
Ø The first school of thought maintains that nationalism began with primary resistances at the beginning of colonial rule. Example of prominent leaders to justify this argument includes Abushiri, Isike, Mkwawa, Makunganya, etc. These tried to resist the imposition of colonial rule by fighting through direct confrontation.
– This school of school of thought asserts that nationalism began with the onset of colonialism. This school of thought is dominated by nationalist historians of the 1960s like Temu, Kimambo, Gilbert Gwasa and Terrance Ranger.
– The position of these historians is that the wars of initial resistances against colonial intrusion is the reflection of African nationalism.
• Continuation…
– However this school of thought has been refuted by some historians as not convincing. The reasons being raised are :
• the leaders of those resistances and their societies reacted individually and not as part of Tanganyika.
• They also fought to regain their economic interests in trade
Ø The second school of thought maintains that modern nationalism began with secondary resistances such as boycotts, strikes, uprisings, trade unionism, and demonstrations of the period after 1945.
ü In addition to this idea, nationalism has to be characterized by the formation of countrywide political organizations after the second world war. Most historians who have studied the rise of modern of nationalism have supported this argument of secondary resistance.
• Continuation…
• In East Africa, mass nationalism had three characteristics:
– It aimed to control the political center of the country and the legislative council.
– In achieving their goals, the nationalist leaders tried to mobilize mass support and by expressing popular demands.
– They intended to use their central power and mass support to unite all the people of the country into a single nation featured by citizenship, not race, not religion, not political belief.
• In examining the nature, scope, and dynamics of nationalism in colonial Tanganyika, one has to ask several fundamental questions: Why did the British leave Tanganyika at the time they did? Why couldn’t they leave earlier or much later? Had their departure been long planned or was it contrary to their earlier plans? How complete was their pull out ? what was the long term motives of different groups and individuals actively involved in the nationalist struggle?
• THE ROLE OF LOCAL POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALISM
• The period between 1920 and 1940 witnessed the formation of many African voluntary political associations and unions ranging from rural to urban, and from economic to purely social organizations. By 1930s, Tanganyika had experienced three types of political association non of which was nationalist in character:
Ø Formation of Tanganyika Territory African Civil service Association (TTACSA) in Tanga in 1922 under Martin Kayamba. This was an elitist organization that:
– Thought to protect its members, Claimed to speak for the interests of Africans, To maintain close fellowship, Maintain sportsmanship, Free reading and social advancement, Represent African views in debates over government issues.
ü In 1939, TTACSA was transformed from a social club into a political organization, Tanganyika African Association(TAA).
• Continuation….
Ø Formation of tribal unions, the most radical of these were the Bukoba-Buhaya Union(1924) led by Clement Kiiza and the Kilimanjaro Native Planters Associations (1925) founded by Joseph Merinyo. These greatly opposed the chiefs because:
ü They were employees of the colonial administration and
ü They received more favors from the British than the common people in terms agricultural services and social services.
Ø Popular resistances expressed in opposition to agricultural regulations and government policies. This was featured by peasants’ revolts in almost every corner of the colony. But these did not seek political control.
• Non of these was a nationalist movement , but they were elements from which nationalist movement was eventually created. When the three types of politics came together, on July 1954, Tanganyika National ism was born.
• Fundamental factors that triggered off nationalist tendencies
• In order to understand the nature of nationalist struggle in Tanganyika, one has to examine the changes which were taking place within the colony, especially on the colonial production system (colonial economy):
ü Economic hardship after the 1st world war, the Great Depression, and the 2nd world war produced a political climate in which colonialism could not survive. This was followed by a series of civil and labor unrest. For example a series of Dar es salaam Dock workers strikes in 1939, 1943, and 1947.
ü Participation of people in the production of cash crops created all kind of grievances, which in turn led to the rise of rural discontent and radicalism.
• Continuation…
ü Colonial education, this did not serve the colonialists as they had expected. Education made the educated elites to know their rights which they believed and argued were not different from those of Europeans minority in the colony. It was in the struggle to win these rights that they needed to destroy colonialism was realized.
• Thus, colonialism like capitalism created its own grave diggers.
• THE RISE OF MASS NATIONALISM IN TANGANYIKA
TRANSFORMATION OF TAA INTO TANU AND THE BASIS OF TANU VICTORY
A: TRANSFORMATION OF TAA INTO TANU
• TTACSA was founded in Tanga in 1922 by Martin Kayamba as social club to meet the interests of the few elites. In 1939 some of TTACSA members took part in the founding of TAA.
• After its inception in 1939, TAA began to expand countrywide and campaign for the mass support from rural areas which was crucial for the nationalist struggle.
• While the number of its branches was only nine in 1939, this number had grown to 39 in 1948. This massive expansion was vivid in Nyanza province where branches were opened in Ukerewe, Tarime, Musoma, Bukoba, and Nasa. In this way, the lake province became the base of nationalist struggle in the country.
• Continuation….
• TAA’s upsurge was a result of:
– individual initiatives and enthusiasm of such figures like Kandoro, Munanka, Bomani, Sykes, Kaselabantu, etc
– annual conferences which drew leaders together and gave them a common direction. The most important conference was the 1945 Dodoma conference which called for the organization and the mobilization of the masses for political action.
• In early 1954, TAA had acquired stable leadership, membership organization, style, and ideology making it to have a status of a full scale political movement.
• With such qualities, the annual conference of 7th July 1954 transformed TAA into TANU.
• The existence of one political organization, TAA, which TANU replaced and built upon, certainly explain in part why TANU as a single mass party spread quickly.
• B. The victory of TANU 1954-1961
• The coordinator of nationalist activities was TANU than any other political organization. Upon its foundation, TANU had the following the following objectives:
– To prepare the people of Tanganyika for self rule and to fight tirelessly for national freedom-Uhuru
– To fight tribalism and any other factor which would hinder the development of unity among Africans.
– To abolish all sorts segregation
– To encourage and help workers to establish trade unions
– To cooperate with other organizations whose aims and objectives were not contrary to those of TANU.
– To become a sole spokesman for all sufferers and champion the grievances and aspirations of the masses.
• FACTORS THAT FAVORED THE GROWTH AND EFFECTIVE OPERATION OF TANU
INTERNAL FACTORS
• Existence of TAA. TANU made use of the existing TAA branches. In 1955 Mwl. Nyerere noted the importance of TAA branches in laying down the foundation upon which TANU was built. He used the following words “ in the last ten months, we have tried to organize ourselves. The branches of TAA became automatically branches of TANU, and they are scattered all over the country.”
• Effective leadership. TAA politicians ( Bomani, Kimalandu, Munanka etc) became the first promoters and guardians of TANU. The leadership was united and always avoided quarrels which could divide the party
• Continuation….
• TANU got support from other organized groups such as cooperative movements, the Youth league, Women section of the party through Titi, and Tanganyika Federation of Labor( TFL). All these strengthened the bargaining power of TANU
• Kiswahili being a lingua franca of Tanganyikans was effectively used in uniting the people and coordinating activities of nationalist movement. Because it was understood almost everywhere in the country, leaders used it in public meetings and were fluent in using it.
• TANU capitalized on the workers and peasants demands. The nationalist leaders had only to point at the weaknesses of the colonial system. For TANU supported peasants’ movements against destocking, cotton cess, cattle tax, low prices of agricultural crops, head tax, land usage policies, etc. in this way TANU was able to win the support of the rural masses.
• EXTERNAL FACTORS
• Sympathetic support from the United Nations. In 1954 the United Nation mission accepted TANU as a legal nationalist movement. In march 1955 Mwl.Nyerere went to address the Trusteeship council of UN.
ü There he expressed the objectives of TANU, suggested the elective principles and told that the future government of Tanganyika would be primarily African. In 1956 he made another visitation to the UN and he won international support.
• Independence of other countries in Africa and Asia brought the idea that even Tanganyikans will one day regain their lost independence. Nationalist leaders drew examples from countries such as Ghana, India, Pakistan, Indonesia, etc. The attainment of independence in these areas motivated nationalist zeal within TANU leadership.
• Continuation…
• The influence of Pan Africanism. The movement had its origin from the United States. It gained momentum after the 2nd world war. The movement advocated not only liberation of Africa, but also the political unification of Africa.
ü The Manchester Pan African conference of 1945 demanded for African independence and an end to all sorts of African exploitation. The impact of these demands was to arouse conscious and desire of Africans to rule themselves.
• The existence of socialist block (USSR). This block was against imperialism and capitalism. By 1945 the block began pressurizing imperialist countries to grant independence to their colonies. They thus started supplying material and moral support to nationalist movements in Africa and the world around.
• Continuation…
• The returned soldiers of the second world war. The belief that Europeans are powerful and infallible (perfect) was destroyed by the involvement of African soldiers in the war.
ü African soldiers who participated in the war proved to be good and brave fighters, and efficient than their counterpart whites.
ü This was a clear justification that Africans had the ability to defeat Europeans . This was an encouragement and therefore a positive effect on the struggle for independence as most of these ex-soldiers became involved and used their war experience, theories and exposure to lead nationalist movements
• TANU’S STAMBLING BLOCKS
• Nationalist struggles in Tanganyika faced strong oppositions from individuals, organized groups, established institutions, political parties as well as the colonial government. All these groups designed strategies and tactics to ensure that independence is either not regained or delayed.
• The following are some of the obstacles or problems faced TANU operations:
• The Register General of political parties used various delaying tactics to frustrate the efforts of TANU members and leaders. He delayed the process of registering different TANU branches. However, TANU leadership used a compromising spirit.
ü TANU branches registered by the end of 1954 were Dar es salaam, Tabora, North Mara, Singida, and Tarime. By 1955, Rungwe, Kisarawe, Kilosa, Kilwa, Lindi, Iramba, Ukerewe, Musoma, and Bagamoyo were the only registered branches.
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• Some TANU members and leaders were intimated, detained and even imprisoned by District Commissioners in such places like Singida, Musoma, and Mwanza. Such hostilities however acted as a catalyst and gave TANU increasing solidarity in the struggle to rid the country of the colonial domination and racial discrimination.
• Other TANU branches were closed and activities of TANU were banned in some areas. This was first employed in Sukumaland where rural radicalism characterized the area. And it was in Sukumaland where TAA activities brought headaches right from the beggining. The District Registrar declined to register party branches in Shinyanga, Geita, Nassa, Nera, and Malampaka. In October 1954 Mwanza branch was banned.
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• Formation of the United Tanganyika Party (UTP) in 1956. Colonial government sponsored the formation of reactionary organizations. The strongest of these was the United Tanganyika Party formed by chiefs and Europeans in 1956 for the purpose of challenging TANU and maintaining colonial interests.
ü The reactionary character of UTP was demonstrated by its stated objectives and membership. It did not aim at the attainment of transitional independence, but at continuing the affiliation of Tanganyika to the colonial power. Thus UTP did every thing possible to prevent a smooth transfer of power to TANU.
• TANU had the responsibility of educating its people on unity and do away with divisive obstacles such as tribalism, racialism and religious differences.
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• The colonial state thought to tarnish the image of TANU by branding it a riotous movement.
• The colonial government prevented civil servants from joining TANU, thus depriving the movement of much needed leadership.
TANU’S POPULARITY AND SUCCESS
• TANU’s popularity and success were indicated by the general elections victory. All TANU sponsored candidates won the election irrespective of their racial origins. On the other hand, all the UTP candidates were defeated and this marked its demise.
• Following the 1958 victory, TANU could no longer be ignored by Britain. The colonial state was forced to deal with TANU in more liberal way. The new Governor, Richard Turnbull, for example , developed a cordial relationship with the party president, Julius K. Nyerere,
• Continuation….
• While TANU continued to score one victory after the other, some of its members became dissatisfied with TANU moderate policies against the colonial state. They argued for a more militant African stand. It was this latter group within TANU which broke away and formed the African National Congress (ANC), during the 1958 Tabora election. But even after his split, TANU remained strong and the only party that could lead Tanganyika to independence.
• Britain went ahead to lay the ground for neo-colonial relations with the post independence Tanganyika. This was done mainly by framing a constitution of independence of Tanganyika in such a way that the banks, factories, workers and employers, peasants and cooperatives, the army, the police and prison, and the judiciary remained intact.
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• In short the Lancaster House Constitution inherited at independence ensured that Britain capitalist interests would continue to exploit Tanganyika just as they used during the colonial period.
• Thus, in the elections of August 1960, the Tanganyikans elected 71 representatives to the Legislative Council (LEGCO). By virtue of this victory, TANU formed the first responsible government , which, together with the colonial state worked for a smooth transfer of power to the Africans. At the mid night, on 9th December 1961, the people of Tanganyika regained their independence.
• POST INDEPENDENCE TANZANIA
• The country achieved her independence in 1961. However the independence attained could not bring about positive changes immediately as the country was still entangled in economic dependence relationship created under colonial rule.
• Generally:
– The country lacked the necessary man power to hold senior administrative positions in the government
– The economy relied on developed countries for export of cash crops and unrestricted investments
– Development plans were prepared by donor countries, mostly to cater for their interests
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• Rugumamu (1997) identified 4 major problems that the new independent Tanganyika experienced:
– The country inherited a structurally weak and dependent economy , with limited skilled personnel. Hence, it had to rely on ex-colonial officials to operate the state.
– The inherited education was weak, and could not provide room for preparing specialists who could resolve major problems of the new independent state.
– The new state began with a weak institutional and organizational capacity to define, defend, and develop comprehensive long term plans and strategies
– The new government had to be run by politicians with limited functional skills and experience to run the new state. This was attributed to 2 reasons (i) British government proscribed government employees from engaging in political activities (ii) senior administrative posts were reserved for white personnel only
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• According to Rugumamu, it is against these problems that the country was forced to inherit conical government personnel and all its institutions ( the civil service, coercive instruments) and their traditions.
• This kind of a state is referred to as the Neo-colonial state, a state whose economic, social and political operation depends on the metropolitans.
• This dependence on former colonial officials, threatened the survival and effective operation of the new state. This because the colonial officials had little regard, loyalty and commitment to the nationalist development aspirations.
• As result, the attainment of independence brought the challenges of national building. Thus, the new nationalists had a task of building the new nation.
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• In the process of building the new nation, 4 major issues were involved:
– Transfer of power. This was implemented through Africanization. This aimed at decolonizing and Africanizing the administration, the army, political system, civil service, commerce, industry and agriculture.
• The negative side of the Africanization policy was that the new African personnel who replaced the white personnel enjoyed high standard of living and income than the common citizen. They became corrupt instead of serving the people.
– Security issue: security issue became a central concern of the new government since 1964 following the mutiny. The mutiny was a result of discontents among the soldiers. They complained about low speed of Africanizing the army as top most posts were still occupied by European officials. However the mutiny was put under control
• The mutiny was followed by a serious reorganization of the army. This involved recruitment of new soldiers and military officials from the party (TANU) and TANU youth association (TANU Youth league)
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• Forging new institutions and ideology. In the process of forging new institution and ideology to foster national development various approaches were adopted:
– Various trade unions were amalgamated into single National Union of Tanganyika workers (NUTA) in 1964
– To avoid cold war politics the new state opted for the Non Aligned Movement.
– In 1964, Tanganyika united with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania
– Tanganyika led liberation struggles for the southern African countries. As a result Dar es Salaam became became the headquarters of liberation struggles.
– The post of local chiefs was abandoned, allowing the party to extend its structures and organizations to the grass root
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• Inaugurating development strategies. To ensure effective growth and development of anew nation, the government adopted 3 development strategies. The 1st three years development plan, the 1st five years development plan and the 2nd five years development plan
• The 1st three years development plan 1961-1964
– This plan aimed at ensuring that British colonial policies and interests continue to operate in the post colonial period with little interruption as possible.
– The plan was based on the traditional theory of time. The theory stated that, development of post colonial Tanganyika had had to depend largely on capital, experts, and technology from western capitalist powers
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– Further more the plan emphasized on liberal investment code, that is free trade, private sectors, and non governmental intervention in the economy (free market economy).
– In effecting this policy the plan emphasized that the role of the government was develop infrastructure so that private economic enterprise can operate smoothly.
– The plan directed the Tanganyika towards the capitalist economy.
– Briefly, the plan perpetuated colonialism because its directives were similar to the way colonial economy operated in Tanganyika.
• Continuation
• The 1st five years development plan 1964-1969
• It was developed to take over from the 1st three years development plan. It has almost the same content and objectives as the 1st three years development plan.
• The only few different objectives were
– To end the country’s reliance on export of primary commodities by promoting industrialization and agriculture
– Its implementation depended on capital from both internal sources(22%) and external sources (78%).
– Large percent of external sources of capital was to come from Britain
• The 2nd five years development plan 1969-1974
• The second five years development plan generally aimed at translating the Arusha Declaration into concrete policy programs.
THE ARUSHA DECLARATION
• The achievement of independence was spoiled by emergence of social differentiation among Africans.
ü The Africanization policy made new elites using the wealth they had accrued from leadership position enjoy expensive and luxurious life style of living.
ü The new leaders also acquired property and shares as well as directorship in private companies.
• As a result, a new bureaucratic class of African elites was emerging. It was the Arusha declaration of 1967 which among other things aimed at arresting this trend and defined the way in which the new nation was to be built.
• Continuation…
• The Arusha Declaration was adopted in 5th February, 1967 by the National Executive Council (NEC) of TANU in Arusha. The declaration guided the country to build a socialist society. It was a sort of a vision in Tanzania that set out economic and social priorities.
• The declaration was rooted in socialism and self reliance strategies, because it was realized that it was difficult to build national capitalism.
Ø By socialism the declaration meant public ownership of the means of production, distribution and consumption. This meant the state had greater power to intervene economic activities of the state. It also meant people working together for their socio-economic survivals, communal villages was a result of this view.
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Ø The policy of self reliance had two dimension
o Internal dimension: this aimed to mobilize domestic resources, land ad people so as to minimize excessive dependence on foreign aid. It also aimed at maintaining Tanzanian independence and freedom.
o External dimension: this aimed to empower the state and its institutions to establish international cooperation which would facilitate economic as well as enhance political autonomy.
üThe state admitted that it was unable to provide basic needs of the people.
üBut it also stated clearly aid from foreign countries should not form the basis of Tanzania development.
üThe declaration further stated that only aid that did not endanger the country’s freedom to make policy, decisions and implement the policy of socialism and self reliance should be accepted.
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• The declaration generally underlined the dangers of relying on foreign assistance, emphasized hard work and agriculture development. It put less emphasis on industrial and urban development. The declaration was accompanied by a publication of several policy documents, for example:
ü “Socialism and Rural development in September 1967. It aimed at promoting Ujamaa. The concept Ujamaa implied a commitment to a collective way of rural production, life and society.
ü Other policy documents were, Education for Self Reliance issued in March 1967, TANU guidelines issued in February 1971 and the Decentralization policy of many 1972.
• Continuation…
• The Arusha Declaration had the following main objectives:
ü Public ownership and control of the major means of production
ü Self Reliance and elimination of exploitation
ü Establishment of democracy and equality
ü Establishment of socialist agriculture production in Ujamaa villages
ü Establishment of party supremacy
ü Establishment of welfare services to all areas.
• These objectives reflects the fact that the primary aim of the Arusha declaration was to change the direction of societal development so that TANU leadership, the bureaucrats and the social base of the nationalist would grow closer together. It gave a code of controlling the use of political powers by the party and government.
• Continuation…..
• Therefore the analysis of Tanzania development after the Arusha Declaration shows that :
o There was significant increase in the influence of state in development programs. The government planed and supervised different development programs
o State intervention in rural production. In this, people were encouraged to settle in communal villages (Ujamaa villages) to carry out communal production in communal farms. This policy was implemented through villagization policy
o The creation of nucleated villages/communal villages (ujamaa villages) also aimed to foster and simplify expansion of social services such as health, water, transport and education
o The new policy of direct state control of the economy accelerated the speed of the creation of parastatals . Parastatals increased from 64 in 1967 to 139 in 1974.
• Continuation….
o The creation of these parastatals aimed to lower the transfer of profits outside the country in order to expand investments in productive sectors and to improve infrastructure. It was on this ground that the standing committee on parastatal ssorganizations (SCOPO) was created in 1967.
• SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER THE ARUSHA DECLARATION
AGRICULTURE
• The Arusha Declaration outlined the need of building socialism in rural areas and more importantly the formation of Ujamaa villages where people could live together and cooperate mutually in agricultural production which constituted the backbone of Tanzania's development.
ü To implement this the second five years development plan favored communal villages in terms of social services such health, schools, water and transport. This aimed to encourage people to go in those villages.
• To ensure agricultural development in rural areas:
o Villagization was accompanied by by-laws to ensure that people are thoroughly engaged in agriculture.
• Continuation…
o New agricultural producer price policies were introduced in 1973. this policy aimed at stabilizing prices of agricultural products.
o From 1972 government crop authorities began to be established . For example: tea authority, cotton authority, tobacco authority, coffee authority, etc.
o When villagization implementation was finished in 1976, the government banned corporative unions. Instead, each village was made a primary society and crop authorities were responsible for crop purchase, processing and sell.
• However, not much was achieved in the two decades following the Arusha Declaration to make agriculture the backbone of the country’s economy because:
• Continuation…
o Drought which engulfed the country in the 1970s reduced grain production by as much as 30%.
o The period was featured by famine which was largely induced by government overemphasis on cash crops for foreign currency at the expense of massive movement of people into villages which destroyed existing food supply organizations.
• INDUSTRY
• The Arusha Declaration de-emphasized industrialization as development path because the country had no necessary sources for the sector and the foreign policy was against external dependence. This explain why the second five years development plan developed no comprehensive plan on industrialization.
• However, before the end of the second five years development plan in 1974, the government embarked on the strategy for the development of small scale industry and formed the Small Scale Industry Organization (SIDO) in 1973. such industry could essentially:
o Depend on utilizing local resources
o Develop technical skills in the villages
• Continuation…
o Emphasize self reliance policy
o Providing extra economic activity in rural areas
o Using small capital and reduce rural-urban migration which could result to imbalance between the two areas.
• In 1973 the government invited economists from Harvard institute of international development to make recommendations on the long term industrial strategy. The consultation resulted into the Long Term Industrial Strategy (1975-1995). The plan emphasized on the following:
o Provision of basic needed goods for the Tanzanians
o Developing capital goods industries
o Expanding agro-processing industries, training and researches.
o Promoting small scale industries especially in rural areas.
• Continuation….
• However the industries established suffered from several problems:
o Low labor productivity due to lack of technical skills
o Lack of capital to ensure effective operation of industries
o Agriculture’s inability either to generate sufficient foreign exchange for imports of spare parts and raw materials required by the industries, or to supply domestic factories with raw materials.
• EDUCATION
• The direction of development posed by the Arusha Declaration required a change in the education system in Tanzania, toward a system which will prepare learners to acquire socialist values and be integrated to the community.
• Education for Self Reliance (ESR) was thus an ideological instrument which was to be used to legitimize the state policy of socialism and self reliance as well as the Arusha Declaration at the political level
• In addition, Education for Self Reliance published in 1967 was a reaction against colonial construction f social reality. It was an attempt by Tanzanian government and leadership to conceptualize its own educational agenda which was inward looking and tapping the vast knowledge of the people in the rural areas. An important aspect of the ESR was the attempt to make agriculture an integral part of the curricular
• Continuation….
• Recognizing that Tanzania is basically a rural economy based, with its mainstay based on agricultural production, the leadership sought to produce individuals with a healthy attitude towards agriculture. ESR was agalianitarianistic in nature and demanded provision of basic education for all members of the society
• Generally the document:
• Makes a critique of the inadequacies and inappropriateness of colonial education
• It analyses the socio-economic and political realities that existed around 1967.
• It outlined the kind of society Tanzania was trying to build, that is, a democratic socialist state.
• It proposed changes designed to transform the education system in order to make it more relevant in serving the needs and aims of socialist society with a predominantly rural economy
• Continuation…
• In order to meet the social, economic and vocational goals, ESR demanded the following in the system of education
• ESR called for the classification and improvement of the sources of instructional content, it stressed the need to establish educational content from both primary and secondary sources.
• ESR demanded a change in the content of the curriculum itself, it called for selecting and organizing the content which is relevant to he society and which can prepare learners for the life and revival of the society. Curriculum must enable people to act upon their environment and change it for their benefit
• Continuation….
• ESR demanded a change in the teaching/learning activities and interaction between teachers and learners. This called for learners to learn y doing, integrate theory and practice though experimentation. It involves developing mind and self confidence. It also calls for change in the social interaction between the teacher and the learners and other members
• ESR demanded integration of schools with the community. Schools must be both, social and economic communities and they have to contribute to their up keep. Schools must develop positive attitudes of learners towards works.
• ESR demanded re-examination of the purpose of evaluation of student performance and their fine employment of alternative procedures of evaluation. It called for down grading examination because they don’t always provide positive results and they encourage rote learning
• Continuation…..
• In 1974 TANU National executive meeting passed what came to be known as the Musoma resolution which reinforced the educational directives laid out in ESR. Schools were explicitly directed to integrate work into the curriculum so as to inculcate high regard for dignity and manual labor.
v Adult education: this was another important aspect in Tanzania education policy. Basic Adult Education got its prominence when president Nyerere announced that the year 1970 would be the year of Adult Education.
• Following the announcement, financial and human resources were directed to adult education to dedicate illiteracy in five years.
• Adult education was a means of making peasants understand socialism and self reliance, but also rural development and co-operation in Ujamaa villages.
• Continuation….
• To facilitate this program, primary schools became centers for adult education, offering training in agricultural techniques, health education, housecraft, simple economics, political education, basic writing and reading.
• As a result of this program, illiteracy rate decreased from 75% in 1970 to 40% in 1975 and was recorded 15% in 1983. By 1985 this rate had decreased to 11%
• Defining African nationalism: is the desire of the African people to rule themselves, and terminate all kinds of foreign rule and exploitation.
• Basically it is the political will of the Africans to oppose all forms of foreign domination, but in favor of African rule. It presents African struggle against western colonialism and imperialism.
• Nationalism can generally be defined as the political expression of nationhood, which reflects the consciousness of belonging to a nation. It is the consciousness which people in given community have acquired about themselves, and it has to be base on the following attributes: common language, common culture, common territory with fixed boundaries, a common historical experience.
• Continuation
Origin of nationalist conscious
• There is a debate among historians on when and why nationalism began in Africa and Tanganyika in particular:
Ø The first school of thought maintains that nationalism began with primary resistances at the beginning of colonial rule. Example of prominent leaders to justify this argument includes Abushiri, Isike, Mkwawa, Makunganya, etc. These tried to resist the imposition of colonial rule by fighting through direct confrontation.
– This school of school of thought asserts that nationalism began with the onset of colonialism. This school of thought is dominated by nationalist historians of the 1960s like Temu, Kimambo, Gilbert Gwasa and Terrance Ranger.
– The position of these historians is that the wars of initial resistances against colonial intrusion is the reflection of African nationalism.
• Continuation…
– However this school of thought has been refuted by some historians as not convincing. The reasons being raised are :
• the leaders of those resistances and their societies reacted individually and not as part of Tanganyika.
• They also fought to regain their economic interests in trade
Ø The second school of thought maintains that modern nationalism began with secondary resistances such as boycotts, strikes, uprisings, trade unionism, and demonstrations of the period after 1945.
ü In addition to this idea, nationalism has to be characterized by the formation of countrywide political organizations after the second world war. Most historians who have studied the rise of modern of nationalism have supported this argument of secondary resistance.
• Continuation…
• In East Africa, mass nationalism had three characteristics:
– It aimed to control the political center of the country and the legislative council.
– In achieving their goals, the nationalist leaders tried to mobilize mass support and by expressing popular demands.
– They intended to use their central power and mass support to unite all the people of the country into a single nation featured by citizenship, not race, not religion, not political belief.
• In examining the nature, scope, and dynamics of nationalism in colonial Tanganyika, one has to ask several fundamental questions: Why did the British leave Tanganyika at the time they did? Why couldn’t they leave earlier or much later? Had their departure been long planned or was it contrary to their earlier plans? How complete was their pull out ? what was the long term motives of different groups and individuals actively involved in the nationalist struggle?
• THE ROLE OF LOCAL POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALISM
• The period between 1920 and 1940 witnessed the formation of many African voluntary political associations and unions ranging from rural to urban, and from economic to purely social organizations. By 1930s, Tanganyika had experienced three types of political association non of which was nationalist in character:
Ø Formation of Tanganyika Territory African Civil service Association (TTACSA) in Tanga in 1922 under Martin Kayamba. This was an elitist organization that:
– Thought to protect its members, Claimed to speak for the interests of Africans, To maintain close fellowship, Maintain sportsmanship, Free reading and social advancement, Represent African views in debates over government issues.
ü In 1939, TTACSA was transformed from a social club into a political organization, Tanganyika African Association(TAA).
• Continuation….
Ø Formation of tribal unions, the most radical of these were the Bukoba-Buhaya Union(1924) led by Clement Kiiza and the Kilimanjaro Native Planters Associations (1925) founded by Joseph Merinyo. These greatly opposed the chiefs because:
ü They were employees of the colonial administration and
ü They received more favors from the British than the common people in terms agricultural services and social services.
Ø Popular resistances expressed in opposition to agricultural regulations and government policies. This was featured by peasants’ revolts in almost every corner of the colony. But these did not seek political control.
• Non of these was a nationalist movement , but they were elements from which nationalist movement was eventually created. When the three types of politics came together, on July 1954, Tanganyika National ism was born.
• Fundamental factors that triggered off nationalist tendencies
• In order to understand the nature of nationalist struggle in Tanganyika, one has to examine the changes which were taking place within the colony, especially on the colonial production system (colonial economy):
ü Economic hardship after the 1st world war, the Great Depression, and the 2nd world war produced a political climate in which colonialism could not survive. This was followed by a series of civil and labor unrest. For example a series of Dar es salaam Dock workers strikes in 1939, 1943, and 1947.
ü Participation of people in the production of cash crops created all kind of grievances, which in turn led to the rise of rural discontent and radicalism.
• Continuation…
ü Colonial education, this did not serve the colonialists as they had expected. Education made the educated elites to know their rights which they believed and argued were not different from those of Europeans minority in the colony. It was in the struggle to win these rights that they needed to destroy colonialism was realized.
• Thus, colonialism like capitalism created its own grave diggers.
• THE RISE OF MASS NATIONALISM IN TANGANYIKA
TRANSFORMATION OF TAA INTO TANU AND THE BASIS OF TANU VICTORY
A: TRANSFORMATION OF TAA INTO TANU
• TTACSA was founded in Tanga in 1922 by Martin Kayamba as social club to meet the interests of the few elites. In 1939 some of TTACSA members took part in the founding of TAA.
• After its inception in 1939, TAA began to expand countrywide and campaign for the mass support from rural areas which was crucial for the nationalist struggle.
• While the number of its branches was only nine in 1939, this number had grown to 39 in 1948. This massive expansion was vivid in Nyanza province where branches were opened in Ukerewe, Tarime, Musoma, Bukoba, and Nasa. In this way, the lake province became the base of nationalist struggle in the country.
• Continuation….
• TAA’s upsurge was a result of:
– individual initiatives and enthusiasm of such figures like Kandoro, Munanka, Bomani, Sykes, Kaselabantu, etc
– annual conferences which drew leaders together and gave them a common direction. The most important conference was the 1945 Dodoma conference which called for the organization and the mobilization of the masses for political action.
• In early 1954, TAA had acquired stable leadership, membership organization, style, and ideology making it to have a status of a full scale political movement.
• With such qualities, the annual conference of 7th July 1954 transformed TAA into TANU.
• The existence of one political organization, TAA, which TANU replaced and built upon, certainly explain in part why TANU as a single mass party spread quickly.
• B. The victory of TANU 1954-1961
• The coordinator of nationalist activities was TANU than any other political organization. Upon its foundation, TANU had the following the following objectives:
– To prepare the people of Tanganyika for self rule and to fight tirelessly for national freedom-Uhuru
– To fight tribalism and any other factor which would hinder the development of unity among Africans.
– To abolish all sorts segregation
– To encourage and help workers to establish trade unions
– To cooperate with other organizations whose aims and objectives were not contrary to those of TANU.
– To become a sole spokesman for all sufferers and champion the grievances and aspirations of the masses.
• FACTORS THAT FAVORED THE GROWTH AND EFFECTIVE OPERATION OF TANU
INTERNAL FACTORS
• Existence of TAA. TANU made use of the existing TAA branches. In 1955 Mwl. Nyerere noted the importance of TAA branches in laying down the foundation upon which TANU was built. He used the following words “ in the last ten months, we have tried to organize ourselves. The branches of TAA became automatically branches of TANU, and they are scattered all over the country.”
• Effective leadership. TAA politicians ( Bomani, Kimalandu, Munanka etc) became the first promoters and guardians of TANU. The leadership was united and always avoided quarrels which could divide the party
• Continuation….
• TANU got support from other organized groups such as cooperative movements, the Youth league, Women section of the party through Titi, and Tanganyika Federation of Labor( TFL). All these strengthened the bargaining power of TANU
• Kiswahili being a lingua franca of Tanganyikans was effectively used in uniting the people and coordinating activities of nationalist movement. Because it was understood almost everywhere in the country, leaders used it in public meetings and were fluent in using it.
• TANU capitalized on the workers and peasants demands. The nationalist leaders had only to point at the weaknesses of the colonial system. For TANU supported peasants’ movements against destocking, cotton cess, cattle tax, low prices of agricultural crops, head tax, land usage policies, etc. in this way TANU was able to win the support of the rural masses.
• EXTERNAL FACTORS
• Sympathetic support from the United Nations. In 1954 the United Nation mission accepted TANU as a legal nationalist movement. In march 1955 Mwl.Nyerere went to address the Trusteeship council of UN.
ü There he expressed the objectives of TANU, suggested the elective principles and told that the future government of Tanganyika would be primarily African. In 1956 he made another visitation to the UN and he won international support.
• Independence of other countries in Africa and Asia brought the idea that even Tanganyikans will one day regain their lost independence. Nationalist leaders drew examples from countries such as Ghana, India, Pakistan, Indonesia, etc. The attainment of independence in these areas motivated nationalist zeal within TANU leadership.
• Continuation…
• The influence of Pan Africanism. The movement had its origin from the United States. It gained momentum after the 2nd world war. The movement advocated not only liberation of Africa, but also the political unification of Africa.
ü The Manchester Pan African conference of 1945 demanded for African independence and an end to all sorts of African exploitation. The impact of these demands was to arouse conscious and desire of Africans to rule themselves.
• The existence of socialist block (USSR). This block was against imperialism and capitalism. By 1945 the block began pressurizing imperialist countries to grant independence to their colonies. They thus started supplying material and moral support to nationalist movements in Africa and the world around.
• Continuation…
• The returned soldiers of the second world war. The belief that Europeans are powerful and infallible (perfect) was destroyed by the involvement of African soldiers in the war.
ü African soldiers who participated in the war proved to be good and brave fighters, and efficient than their counterpart whites.
ü This was a clear justification that Africans had the ability to defeat Europeans . This was an encouragement and therefore a positive effect on the struggle for independence as most of these ex-soldiers became involved and used their war experience, theories and exposure to lead nationalist movements
• TANU’S STAMBLING BLOCKS
• Nationalist struggles in Tanganyika faced strong oppositions from individuals, organized groups, established institutions, political parties as well as the colonial government. All these groups designed strategies and tactics to ensure that independence is either not regained or delayed.
• The following are some of the obstacles or problems faced TANU operations:
• The Register General of political parties used various delaying tactics to frustrate the efforts of TANU members and leaders. He delayed the process of registering different TANU branches. However, TANU leadership used a compromising spirit.
ü TANU branches registered by the end of 1954 were Dar es salaam, Tabora, North Mara, Singida, and Tarime. By 1955, Rungwe, Kisarawe, Kilosa, Kilwa, Lindi, Iramba, Ukerewe, Musoma, and Bagamoyo were the only registered branches.
• Continuation…..
• Some TANU members and leaders were intimated, detained and even imprisoned by District Commissioners in such places like Singida, Musoma, and Mwanza. Such hostilities however acted as a catalyst and gave TANU increasing solidarity in the struggle to rid the country of the colonial domination and racial discrimination.
• Other TANU branches were closed and activities of TANU were banned in some areas. This was first employed in Sukumaland where rural radicalism characterized the area. And it was in Sukumaland where TAA activities brought headaches right from the beggining. The District Registrar declined to register party branches in Shinyanga, Geita, Nassa, Nera, and Malampaka. In October 1954 Mwanza branch was banned.
• Continuation..
• Formation of the United Tanganyika Party (UTP) in 1956. Colonial government sponsored the formation of reactionary organizations. The strongest of these was the United Tanganyika Party formed by chiefs and Europeans in 1956 for the purpose of challenging TANU and maintaining colonial interests.
ü The reactionary character of UTP was demonstrated by its stated objectives and membership. It did not aim at the attainment of transitional independence, but at continuing the affiliation of Tanganyika to the colonial power. Thus UTP did every thing possible to prevent a smooth transfer of power to TANU.
• TANU had the responsibility of educating its people on unity and do away with divisive obstacles such as tribalism, racialism and religious differences.
• Continuation…
• The colonial state thought to tarnish the image of TANU by branding it a riotous movement.
• The colonial government prevented civil servants from joining TANU, thus depriving the movement of much needed leadership.
TANU’S POPULARITY AND SUCCESS
• TANU’s popularity and success were indicated by the general elections victory. All TANU sponsored candidates won the election irrespective of their racial origins. On the other hand, all the UTP candidates were defeated and this marked its demise.
• Following the 1958 victory, TANU could no longer be ignored by Britain. The colonial state was forced to deal with TANU in more liberal way. The new Governor, Richard Turnbull, for example , developed a cordial relationship with the party president, Julius K. Nyerere,
• Continuation….
• While TANU continued to score one victory after the other, some of its members became dissatisfied with TANU moderate policies against the colonial state. They argued for a more militant African stand. It was this latter group within TANU which broke away and formed the African National Congress (ANC), during the 1958 Tabora election. But even after his split, TANU remained strong and the only party that could lead Tanganyika to independence.
• Britain went ahead to lay the ground for neo-colonial relations with the post independence Tanganyika. This was done mainly by framing a constitution of independence of Tanganyika in such a way that the banks, factories, workers and employers, peasants and cooperatives, the army, the police and prison, and the judiciary remained intact.
• Continuation….
• In short the Lancaster House Constitution inherited at independence ensured that Britain capitalist interests would continue to exploit Tanganyika just as they used during the colonial period.
• Thus, in the elections of August 1960, the Tanganyikans elected 71 representatives to the Legislative Council (LEGCO). By virtue of this victory, TANU formed the first responsible government , which, together with the colonial state worked for a smooth transfer of power to the Africans. At the mid night, on 9th December 1961, the people of Tanganyika regained their independence.
• POST INDEPENDENCE TANZANIA
• The country achieved her independence in 1961. However the independence attained could not bring about positive changes immediately as the country was still entangled in economic dependence relationship created under colonial rule.
• Generally:
– The country lacked the necessary man power to hold senior administrative positions in the government
– The economy relied on developed countries for export of cash crops and unrestricted investments
– Development plans were prepared by donor countries, mostly to cater for their interests
• Continuation…
• Rugumamu (1997) identified 4 major problems that the new independent Tanganyika experienced:
– The country inherited a structurally weak and dependent economy , with limited skilled personnel. Hence, it had to rely on ex-colonial officials to operate the state.
– The inherited education was weak, and could not provide room for preparing specialists who could resolve major problems of the new independent state.
– The new state began with a weak institutional and organizational capacity to define, defend, and develop comprehensive long term plans and strategies
– The new government had to be run by politicians with limited functional skills and experience to run the new state. This was attributed to 2 reasons (i) British government proscribed government employees from engaging in political activities (ii) senior administrative posts were reserved for white personnel only
• Continuation…
• According to Rugumamu, it is against these problems that the country was forced to inherit conical government personnel and all its institutions ( the civil service, coercive instruments) and their traditions.
• This kind of a state is referred to as the Neo-colonial state, a state whose economic, social and political operation depends on the metropolitans.
• This dependence on former colonial officials, threatened the survival and effective operation of the new state. This because the colonial officials had little regard, loyalty and commitment to the nationalist development aspirations.
• As result, the attainment of independence brought the challenges of national building. Thus, the new nationalists had a task of building the new nation.
• Continuation…
• In the process of building the new nation, 4 major issues were involved:
– Transfer of power. This was implemented through Africanization. This aimed at decolonizing and Africanizing the administration, the army, political system, civil service, commerce, industry and agriculture.
• The negative side of the Africanization policy was that the new African personnel who replaced the white personnel enjoyed high standard of living and income than the common citizen. They became corrupt instead of serving the people.
– Security issue: security issue became a central concern of the new government since 1964 following the mutiny. The mutiny was a result of discontents among the soldiers. They complained about low speed of Africanizing the army as top most posts were still occupied by European officials. However the mutiny was put under control
• The mutiny was followed by a serious reorganization of the army. This involved recruitment of new soldiers and military officials from the party (TANU) and TANU youth association (TANU Youth league)
• Continuation…
• Forging new institutions and ideology. In the process of forging new institution and ideology to foster national development various approaches were adopted:
– Various trade unions were amalgamated into single National Union of Tanganyika workers (NUTA) in 1964
– To avoid cold war politics the new state opted for the Non Aligned Movement.
– In 1964, Tanganyika united with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania
– Tanganyika led liberation struggles for the southern African countries. As a result Dar es Salaam became became the headquarters of liberation struggles.
– The post of local chiefs was abandoned, allowing the party to extend its structures and organizations to the grass root
• Continuation….
• Inaugurating development strategies. To ensure effective growth and development of anew nation, the government adopted 3 development strategies. The 1st three years development plan, the 1st five years development plan and the 2nd five years development plan
• The 1st three years development plan 1961-1964
– This plan aimed at ensuring that British colonial policies and interests continue to operate in the post colonial period with little interruption as possible.
– The plan was based on the traditional theory of time. The theory stated that, development of post colonial Tanganyika had had to depend largely on capital, experts, and technology from western capitalist powers
• Continuation…..
– Further more the plan emphasized on liberal investment code, that is free trade, private sectors, and non governmental intervention in the economy (free market economy).
– In effecting this policy the plan emphasized that the role of the government was develop infrastructure so that private economic enterprise can operate smoothly.
– The plan directed the Tanganyika towards the capitalist economy.
– Briefly, the plan perpetuated colonialism because its directives were similar to the way colonial economy operated in Tanganyika.
• Continuation
• The 1st five years development plan 1964-1969
• It was developed to take over from the 1st three years development plan. It has almost the same content and objectives as the 1st three years development plan.
• The only few different objectives were
– To end the country’s reliance on export of primary commodities by promoting industrialization and agriculture
– Its implementation depended on capital from both internal sources(22%) and external sources (78%).
– Large percent of external sources of capital was to come from Britain
• The 2nd five years development plan 1969-1974
• The second five years development plan generally aimed at translating the Arusha Declaration into concrete policy programs.
THE ARUSHA DECLARATION
• The achievement of independence was spoiled by emergence of social differentiation among Africans.
ü The Africanization policy made new elites using the wealth they had accrued from leadership position enjoy expensive and luxurious life style of living.
ü The new leaders also acquired property and shares as well as directorship in private companies.
• As a result, a new bureaucratic class of African elites was emerging. It was the Arusha declaration of 1967 which among other things aimed at arresting this trend and defined the way in which the new nation was to be built.
• Continuation…
• The Arusha Declaration was adopted in 5th February, 1967 by the National Executive Council (NEC) of TANU in Arusha. The declaration guided the country to build a socialist society. It was a sort of a vision in Tanzania that set out economic and social priorities.
• The declaration was rooted in socialism and self reliance strategies, because it was realized that it was difficult to build national capitalism.
Ø By socialism the declaration meant public ownership of the means of production, distribution and consumption. This meant the state had greater power to intervene economic activities of the state. It also meant people working together for their socio-economic survivals, communal villages was a result of this view.
• Continuation….
Ø The policy of self reliance had two dimension
o Internal dimension: this aimed to mobilize domestic resources, land ad people so as to minimize excessive dependence on foreign aid. It also aimed at maintaining Tanzanian independence and freedom.
o External dimension: this aimed to empower the state and its institutions to establish international cooperation which would facilitate economic as well as enhance political autonomy.
üThe state admitted that it was unable to provide basic needs of the people.
üBut it also stated clearly aid from foreign countries should not form the basis of Tanzania development.
üThe declaration further stated that only aid that did not endanger the country’s freedom to make policy, decisions and implement the policy of socialism and self reliance should be accepted.
• Continuation…
• The declaration generally underlined the dangers of relying on foreign assistance, emphasized hard work and agriculture development. It put less emphasis on industrial and urban development. The declaration was accompanied by a publication of several policy documents, for example:
ü “Socialism and Rural development in September 1967. It aimed at promoting Ujamaa. The concept Ujamaa implied a commitment to a collective way of rural production, life and society.
ü Other policy documents were, Education for Self Reliance issued in March 1967, TANU guidelines issued in February 1971 and the Decentralization policy of many 1972.
• Continuation…
• The Arusha Declaration had the following main objectives:
ü Public ownership and control of the major means of production
ü Self Reliance and elimination of exploitation
ü Establishment of democracy and equality
ü Establishment of socialist agriculture production in Ujamaa villages
ü Establishment of party supremacy
ü Establishment of welfare services to all areas.
• These objectives reflects the fact that the primary aim of the Arusha declaration was to change the direction of societal development so that TANU leadership, the bureaucrats and the social base of the nationalist would grow closer together. It gave a code of controlling the use of political powers by the party and government.
• Continuation…..
• Therefore the analysis of Tanzania development after the Arusha Declaration shows that :
o There was significant increase in the influence of state in development programs. The government planed and supervised different development programs
o State intervention in rural production. In this, people were encouraged to settle in communal villages (Ujamaa villages) to carry out communal production in communal farms. This policy was implemented through villagization policy
o The creation of nucleated villages/communal villages (ujamaa villages) also aimed to foster and simplify expansion of social services such as health, water, transport and education
o The new policy of direct state control of the economy accelerated the speed of the creation of parastatals . Parastatals increased from 64 in 1967 to 139 in 1974.
• Continuation….
o The creation of these parastatals aimed to lower the transfer of profits outside the country in order to expand investments in productive sectors and to improve infrastructure. It was on this ground that the standing committee on parastatal ssorganizations (SCOPO) was created in 1967.
• SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER THE ARUSHA DECLARATION
AGRICULTURE
• The Arusha Declaration outlined the need of building socialism in rural areas and more importantly the formation of Ujamaa villages where people could live together and cooperate mutually in agricultural production which constituted the backbone of Tanzania's development.
ü To implement this the second five years development plan favored communal villages in terms of social services such health, schools, water and transport. This aimed to encourage people to go in those villages.
• To ensure agricultural development in rural areas:
o Villagization was accompanied by by-laws to ensure that people are thoroughly engaged in agriculture.
• Continuation…
o New agricultural producer price policies were introduced in 1973. this policy aimed at stabilizing prices of agricultural products.
o From 1972 government crop authorities began to be established . For example: tea authority, cotton authority, tobacco authority, coffee authority, etc.
o When villagization implementation was finished in 1976, the government banned corporative unions. Instead, each village was made a primary society and crop authorities were responsible for crop purchase, processing and sell.
• However, not much was achieved in the two decades following the Arusha Declaration to make agriculture the backbone of the country’s economy because:
• Continuation…
o Drought which engulfed the country in the 1970s reduced grain production by as much as 30%.
o The period was featured by famine which was largely induced by government overemphasis on cash crops for foreign currency at the expense of massive movement of people into villages which destroyed existing food supply organizations.
• INDUSTRY
• The Arusha Declaration de-emphasized industrialization as development path because the country had no necessary sources for the sector and the foreign policy was against external dependence. This explain why the second five years development plan developed no comprehensive plan on industrialization.
• However, before the end of the second five years development plan in 1974, the government embarked on the strategy for the development of small scale industry and formed the Small Scale Industry Organization (SIDO) in 1973. such industry could essentially:
o Depend on utilizing local resources
o Develop technical skills in the villages
• Continuation…
o Emphasize self reliance policy
o Providing extra economic activity in rural areas
o Using small capital and reduce rural-urban migration which could result to imbalance between the two areas.
• In 1973 the government invited economists from Harvard institute of international development to make recommendations on the long term industrial strategy. The consultation resulted into the Long Term Industrial Strategy (1975-1995). The plan emphasized on the following:
o Provision of basic needed goods for the Tanzanians
o Developing capital goods industries
o Expanding agro-processing industries, training and researches.
o Promoting small scale industries especially in rural areas.
• Continuation….
• However the industries established suffered from several problems:
o Low labor productivity due to lack of technical skills
o Lack of capital to ensure effective operation of industries
o Agriculture’s inability either to generate sufficient foreign exchange for imports of spare parts and raw materials required by the industries, or to supply domestic factories with raw materials.
• EDUCATION
• The direction of development posed by the Arusha Declaration required a change in the education system in Tanzania, toward a system which will prepare learners to acquire socialist values and be integrated to the community.
• Education for Self Reliance (ESR) was thus an ideological instrument which was to be used to legitimize the state policy of socialism and self reliance as well as the Arusha Declaration at the political level
• In addition, Education for Self Reliance published in 1967 was a reaction against colonial construction f social reality. It was an attempt by Tanzanian government and leadership to conceptualize its own educational agenda which was inward looking and tapping the vast knowledge of the people in the rural areas. An important aspect of the ESR was the attempt to make agriculture an integral part of the curricular
• Continuation….
• Recognizing that Tanzania is basically a rural economy based, with its mainstay based on agricultural production, the leadership sought to produce individuals with a healthy attitude towards agriculture. ESR was agalianitarianistic in nature and demanded provision of basic education for all members of the society
• Generally the document:
• Makes a critique of the inadequacies and inappropriateness of colonial education
• It analyses the socio-economic and political realities that existed around 1967.
• It outlined the kind of society Tanzania was trying to build, that is, a democratic socialist state.
• It proposed changes designed to transform the education system in order to make it more relevant in serving the needs and aims of socialist society with a predominantly rural economy
• Continuation…
• In order to meet the social, economic and vocational goals, ESR demanded the following in the system of education
• ESR called for the classification and improvement of the sources of instructional content, it stressed the need to establish educational content from both primary and secondary sources.
• ESR demanded a change in the content of the curriculum itself, it called for selecting and organizing the content which is relevant to he society and which can prepare learners for the life and revival of the society. Curriculum must enable people to act upon their environment and change it for their benefit
• Continuation….
• ESR demanded a change in the teaching/learning activities and interaction between teachers and learners. This called for learners to learn y doing, integrate theory and practice though experimentation. It involves developing mind and self confidence. It also calls for change in the social interaction between the teacher and the learners and other members
• ESR demanded integration of schools with the community. Schools must be both, social and economic communities and they have to contribute to their up keep. Schools must develop positive attitudes of learners towards works.
• ESR demanded re-examination of the purpose of evaluation of student performance and their fine employment of alternative procedures of evaluation. It called for down grading examination because they don’t always provide positive results and they encourage rote learning
• Continuation…..
• In 1974 TANU National executive meeting passed what came to be known as the Musoma resolution which reinforced the educational directives laid out in ESR. Schools were explicitly directed to integrate work into the curriculum so as to inculcate high regard for dignity and manual labor.
v Adult education: this was another important aspect in Tanzania education policy. Basic Adult Education got its prominence when president Nyerere announced that the year 1970 would be the year of Adult Education.
• Following the announcement, financial and human resources were directed to adult education to dedicate illiteracy in five years.
• Adult education was a means of making peasants understand socialism and self reliance, but also rural development and co-operation in Ujamaa villages.
• Continuation….
• To facilitate this program, primary schools became centers for adult education, offering training in agricultural techniques, health education, housecraft, simple economics, political education, basic writing and reading.
• As a result of this program, illiteracy rate decreased from 75% in 1970 to 40% in 1975 and was recorded 15% in 1983. By 1985 this rate had decreased to 11%