Sunday, October 8, 2017

Tabora in the framework of long-distance and inter-regional trades.

         THE PRECOLONIAL PERIOD IN TANGANYIKA

Tabora in the framework of long-distance and inter-regional trades.
Until the beginning of the 19th century the East African coast was more part of the commercial world of the Western Indian Ocean than of East Africa, being almost completely separated from its interior. The goods requested by Indian and Arabian traders could be obtained in the immediate coastal hinterland and therefore there was no need to organize expensive commercial expeditions into the interior. At the same time, the regions of the interior were characterized by the presence of a widespread network of African local and inter-regional trades, mostly in salt, iron, copper, foodstuffs and forest products It was only from the first decades of the 19th century that these two separate worlds began to establish a strong connection as a consequence of the huge increase in the international demand for ivory and slaves. East African ivory was very valuable since it was particularly suitable for being carved, and in the 19th century it began to be widely requested in Europe and America to produce luxury goods such as carved figures, parts of instruments, combs, billiard balls, and so on.The increased demand for slaves was due to the establishment of clove plantations in Zanzibar and Pemba and to the sugar-cane production of the Mascarene Islands. There were other East African goods requested by the international markets like gum copal, which was used to produce varnishes for the American furniture industry and hides, which were used in American and European tanneries. The international demand for these products became a great stimulus for Indian, Swahili and Arab traders operating on the coast to expand their commercial activities into the East African interior. At the same time African traders already operating in the interior organized their own caravans to the coast. Nyamwezi traders, in particular, pioneered the commercial routes to the coast and with the development of the long-distance trade they began to enlist as porters in the Arab-Swahili caravans and organized at the same time their own caravans to the coast. The active response of the Nyamwezi came from their long tradition in the interregional trade networks that connected Unyamwezi, their place of origin, with Lake Tanganyika on the west, Lake Victoria on the north and the southern regions of Ufipa and Ruemba. They extended their interregional trade networks and put in contact two commercial worlds that until that moment had been almost completely separated. As Juahni Koponen points out, “It was certainly not a question of the flutes in Zanzibar making the Africans on the mainland dance, as the old saying put it. It was a much more complex process of initiative and counterinitiative, stimulus and response, taking place under specific but rapidly changing historical conditions.
 The historical changes brought by the new trade patterns were most visible in the town of Tabora, which was the main centre of the ivory and slave trades in the interior. The expansion of the commercial activities, both with the coast and in the interior, had a strong effect on the pre-colonial urban structure of Tabora, with the increase of the number of its inhabitants and the subsequent enlargement of the area of the town situated around the market. Urban development in the interior of Tanzania was a direct consequence of the growth of long-distance trade: the journeys into the interior lasted many months, so the necessity to store and protect the goods, particularly during the rainy season, obliged the coastal merchants to establish depots where the caravans could halt. Furthermore, porters generally did not undertake the entire journey from the coast to Lake Tanganyika or Lake Victoria. The Nyamwezi, who were the most requested pagazi, refused to go beyond Tabora, their place of origin. They were, in fact, at the same time porters and farmers, and when they returned from the coast they had to till and sow their fields, especially during the rainy season. A stop was therefore unavoidable in order to recruit fresh gangs of porters that could reach the shores of the central lakes or the central region of Manyema, the area where slaves were mainly captured.Tabora was particularly suitable for becoming a urban centre: the plain of Tabora was very rich in water, which was essential to allow the cultivation of foodstuffs needed for the maintenance of the town and of passing caravans.
The sources at our disposal on the date of foundation of the town are scattered and contradictory. A comparison of the available written and oral sources suggests that Tabora was not founded in a precise year as the explorer Richard F. Burton and many others after him affirmed, but was the result of a long-term process of agglomeration that involved Arab and Nyamwezi settlements. An interesting aspect that emerges from the White Fathers correspondence, and which is not evident from contemporary European traveller reports, is that the coastal traders settled in a place where there already existed an African settlement. According to Father Guillet,
“Tabora is built without a precise order: it is more a series of villages, rather than a homogeneous city. It extends for more than two kilometres; once it was limited to the huts of the quarter called chem-chem, which is the name of the spring which is there. Than the Arabs established themselves here and have extended it to its actual borders”.

The presence of an African settlement in Chem-chem, was probably due to the presence of a spring there which could provide water to caravans: Tabora was, in fact, situated at the natural junction of the commercial routes of the African interregional trade, coming from the North, or the Lake Victoria region, from the Lake Tanganyika area to the West and from Ufipa and Northern Zambia in the South, and, as we have seen above, Nyamwezi traders had a fundamental role in this trade network.

The precolonial structure of Tabora.
Richard Francis Burton, the first European to visit the town in 1857, gives us the following description of Tabora:


“Contrary to what might be expected this “Bandari-district” contains villages and hamlets, but nothing that can properly be termed a town. The Mtemi or Sultan Fundikira, the most powerful of the Wanyamwezi chiefs, inhabits a Tembe, or square settlement, called “Ititenya”, on the western slope of the southern hills. A little colony of Arab merchants has four large houses at a neighbouring place, “Mawiti”.  In the centre of the plain lies “Kazeh”, another scattered collection of six large hollow oblongs, with central courts, garden-plots, store-rooms, and out-houses for the slaves. Around these nuclei cluster native village - masses of Wanyamwezi hovels, which bear the names of their founders.

The “little colony” of coastal traders living in Tabora was largely composed by Arabs coming from Oman. It was not a big community, generally no more than one hundred individuals. Burton estimated that the Arab population of Tabora in 1857 amounted to no more than 25 people, whereas in 1872, according to Livingstone, their number had increased to 80 inhabitants.Generally, Arab merchants resided in the town only for short periods and sent their agents around to conduct their business. The Arab community lived in the commercial part of Tabora, in the quarter called sokoni, where porters were recruited and where there was a daily market. Their houses were called tembe and were rectangular stone buildings, with flat roof and a large courtyard in the interior, where livestock was sheltered during the night. When Burton arrived in Tabora in 1857, there were only six Arab tembes. In a sketch of Tabora made by Stanley in 1871 the Arab houses in the town had increased to seventeen.Close to Arab houses lived the wangwana, coastal people who served in the caravans as guards (askari) and were generally in good termes with the Arab community.  In the surroundings of Arab tembes, Nyamwezi houses were built with, apparently, no order. The houses where the Nyamwezi lived were cylindrical huts with conical roof, called msonga. The diameter of these houses was 4-10 metres and they had only one door, made by sorghum or bark. A type of construction also typical of the landscape of Tabora, was that of the Tutsi herders, who kept their cattle around their houses; the milk and meat production of the town was almost totally in their hands.

Before the German occupation, there were no European residents in Tabora, except for the White Fathers, who established themselves in Tabora from 1882 to 1883, and then moved to Kipalapala, close to Kwikuru, where they established an orphanage for ransomed slave children, which they maintained until 1889.
An important feature of precolonial Tabora was the private ownership of the land. The Grundstücksbuch (Registers of the landed properties) of Tabora produced by the German colonial administration since 1903 are a particularly helpful source to understand who owned the land in Tabora and where. Through the registration of the names, ethnicity, and land locations, the German administrators offer a deep insight into the history of Tabora. The biggest part of the landed properties situated in the Sokoni quarter, i.e. the market, was owned by Arabs, who in that area had constructed their houses and stores. The areas in the surroundings of the town were instead owned and cultivated by Nyamwezi, Manyema, Ganda and Sukuma, who, according to what is reported by the Grundstücksbuch, had acquired the ownership of the land through its cultivation. An interesting aspect that emerges from a comparison between colonial and missionary sources is that, in some cases, the right to own land was recognized also to slaves. Generally, the slave owner allowed his slaves to cultivate and live on his land, without owning it, but sometimes the master could concede the ownership of a piece of land to particular good slaves:  Father Henri mentions a slave named Songoro, who had obtained a piece of land situated in the Gongoni area, owing to his valour as a warrior.

From the available sources, in the second part of the 19th century Tabora was formed by different settlements, of which the most important were:
TABORA, itself, where the quarter of sokoni (market) was situated. It was the place where caravans coming from the coast and from surrounding regions and those going to the coast stopped, sometimes for many days, and where porters could be recruited. Water was available to refresh caravans, thanks to the presence of a source called Chem-Chem, which was also the name of a quarter of the town.In Tabora we could find both the most important tembes of the Arabs, built around the market place, and the houses of the chief Nyamwezi traders. In the neighbourhood of the market square there were the depots for the goods to be sent to the coast or towards the central lakes. The Nyamwezi houses were scattered in the vicinity of the Arab tembes. Close to the houses and in the environs of the town were situated the cultivated areas, whose production was needed to feed the town and the passing caravans. The market (sokoni) of Tabora (or Kazeh, as it was called by the first Europeans visiting it) was the economic and commercial heart of the town. In the market were available fruit, vegetables and grains coming from the local cultivations, together with a great variety of products of the African interregional trade, like dried fish, salt, forest products, iron hoes, etc., which were exchanged for coastal imports, such as cloth, glass beads and metal wires. Other articles, such as beef, which were usually difficult to find along the caravan roads, were also available.The trade in ivory and cloth was not conducted in the local market, but from door to door by intermediaries. An important feature of the town was the daily nature of the market. As Paul Tyambe Zeleza asserts, the recurrence of markets in East Africa depended on the demand, the population distribution, and the local authorities’ intervention. Daily markets in East Africa were typical of urban centries, weekly markets were more common in rural areas.

(I will add more information>>>>>)


Tanzania Government to cross check education level of its Civil servants


Educational minister, prof Joyce ndalichako, has said that,” the government need to review the education level and knowledge of its civil servant especially Primary and secondary school Teachers where by the knowledge they have is quiete different from their obatained cerificate”

Source TBC (08/10/2010)

Saturday, October 7, 2017

History of Tanzania part i; Evolution of Economic and social formation

Evolution of economic and social formation

Physical features of Tanzania

The country is made up of 5 main regions : the coastal area, the low plateau, the mountainous region, the rift valley and the central plateau.

Environmental factors have resulted to variations in terms of political, social and economic formations in all these regions.

The coastal area

•Coverage; the width range between16-64 km and its length extends to about 804 km along the Indian ocean.
•Characteristics:
–The coastal line is irregular, i.e.……..
–The altitude is about 300M above sea level
–The soils range from poor to fertile alluvial deposits. why?
–Mangrove trees are dominant form of vegetation cover ( in swamps and river mouths)
–The coastal lowlands and islands of Zanzibar and Pemba are humid and hot (why?)

The low plateau

•Coverage: the region is located inland immediate after the coastal belt. It is narrow in the north and fairly wide in the south (why?). It includes some parts of Pare, Korogwe, Muheza, Handeni, and Bagamoyo in the North and most of Morogoro, Lindi, Ruvuma, and Mtwara regions in the south.
•Characteristics:
–The altitude range from 500m to 1000m above sea level
–It is less hot and less humid than the coastal belt (why?)
–Rainfall is generally low compared to the coastal area and usually vary from place to place
–It has mostly a Savannah type of vegetation Mountainous region

Mountainous region

•Coverage: in terms of coverage the area includes;
–In the North East it covers Usambara, Pare, Kilimanjaro, and Meru mountains. Also included are the highlands boardering the rift valley in the districts of Tarime, Serengeti, Bariadi, Meatu, Mbulu, Hanang, Kondoa and Kiteto.
–In he central part it include the highlands of Mpwapwa, Kilosa, and Uluguru.
–In the south west, it covers the highlands of Iringa, Mbeya, and Rukwa

The central high plateau

•This plateau is part of the East African plateau. The southern part of it covers a large part of Selous national park. The northern part of it covers a large parts of Dodoma and Singida regions.
•Characteristics
–Soils are generally poor (why?)
–Low rainfall, annual rainfall average is less than 750mm. The wet season lasts from October to May.
–Most of it is made up of open grassland with thin cover of trees.
–The semi arid parts of Dodoma, Shinyanga, Singida and Tabora are covered by scrubs and thorn bushes.
–Three quarter of the region is uninhabited or thinly populated.( why?)
–The better watered parts of the region are featured by pockets of Miombo and Mitundu woodland.

       Relationship between environment and human activities
        Environment and its associated climate are vital in determining human activities in a given society. Favorable environment and climate supports a good number of human activities and vice versa is true.
    Favored environment (high rainfall, fertile soils, water sources, favorable temperatures, free tsetse fly areas, iron ore etc) usually attract a number of human activities than harsh environment. The former(?), were able to support numerous human activities like permanent agriculture, cattle keeping, fishing, iron working and mixed farming. Example per excellence of such areas  included, the lake Victoria basin, the coastal low lands, off-shore of Zanzibar and Pemba, northern highlands and some parts of the southern highlands.
 
       Continuation…..
    Favored environment also included productive winds (?), especially monsoon winds. These played a central role in integrating Tanzanian societies and their economy in the external world (Asian countries) resulting  to  the growth of coastal towns ( e.g.…..) and its civilization ( Swahili civilization)
    Harsh environment ( with poor soils,  tsetse flies, poor water supply, no iron ore and marginal rainfall) of such areas like Shinyanga, Dodoma, Singida and Tabora, could only support limited and simple human activities like hunting, gathering, pastoralism and precarious / uncertain agriculture.
       Continuation….
         Apart from environment and climate, other historians have  argued that technology is another factor that determine human activities.  In fortifying their argument, these scholars use an example of  southern highlands. Despite the fact that this area had favorable environment and climate, population remained low and no centralized states developed in this region before Ngoni invasion of the 19th century. The possible explanation behind this scenario was lack of iron ore and its associated technology in the region.
         The above example implies that, societies of the region invested in crude tools/ simple tools which were unable to support numerous  human activities including agriculture. Hence, food production remained too low to support population growth and evolution of centralized political institutions.
        The Pre- 1000 AD socio-political structures in Tanzania
         By 1000AD, the country was inhabited by people of different origin and spoke different languages. These communities had attained different levels of economic development. At least four economic levels were evident, hunting and food gathering economy, cattle keeping economy, crop cultivation economy, and mixed farming economy.
         Regardless of their different levels of economic development, they were commonly characterized by the following :
         (i)Essential means of production (land, forest, rivers, etc) were    collectively owned.
         (ii)Production of means of subsistence was carried out either       by a group or individual family.
         (iii)There was equal distribution of the product of labor i.e.          whatever was produced was shared equally among members of the production unity ( a group or individual            family)
 
 
       Continuation….
         (iv) Existence of subsistence economy, that is, commodity             production aimed mainly to meet family needs only.
         (v) Classes and exploitation never existed in all those         communities,             they were some kind of egalitarian         societies.
         (vi) Societies were organized along lines of kinship (  kind of         organization in which members are tied / bonded by          blood relations)  or hunting and gathering bands /         groups.
Generally speaking, by 1000AD, Tanzania had 2 types of socio-political organization, kinship group (in settled communities) and social group (among the nomads). The largest kinship group was the CLAN while the largest social group was represented by  AGE SET ORGANIZATION.
 
       Continuation……
         A clan is group of people who claim to have a common area of origin and a common ancestor/fore bearer. Each clan was made up of small related family.
         It should be noted that, kinship/clan organization was very weak among hunter- gatherer and pastoral societies due to nomadic mode of life. This provided fertile ground for age set to prosper among the nomads (hunter – gatherer and pastoral societies).
         On the other hand, kinship gained a strong foot hold among agricultural societies and mixed farmers as they had permanent settlement. As a result, villages were made up of several related families, forming a clan (political unity) at the highest level.
         Continuation……
         As a political unity, a clan was headed by a clan head. Thus, a clan head had the following functions:
Ø  To maintain law and order by settling disputes, punishing offenders and enforcing laws.
Ø  Dividing land among other members of the clan
Ø  To marry off the young
Ø  To organize religious ceremonies (rituals and sacrifices)
Ø  To maintain health of clan members, thus, they were doctors of the clan.
Ø  To locate people for public works.
That is how Tanzania was socially structured by 1000AD.
 
        Evolution of complex communities after 1000AD
         The period after 1000AD witnessed the beginning of great social, economic, and political changes.
         These changes were greater in agricultural and mixed farming societies than pastoral and hunter-gatherer societies (why?).
         The changes were a result of 2 factors:
    The mingling of people with different background ( origin, language, culture, social organization, political organization, etc). The mingling was due to :
     Migrations from out side the country
     Population movements within the country
    Possession of iron technology which introduced by the Bantu during the 1st millennium AD. This technology had 3 important effects:
        Continuation……..
ü It triggered changes in animal production ( as headers could effectively their cattle against  enemies) and agricultural production (due increased size of agricultural lands as a result of better tools)
ü It triggered the evolution of exchange system as iron tools became trade items.
ü It led to evolution of complex societies or differentiated societies.
         A differentiated society is the one in which the social order of equality and equal access to resources has been destroyed by the division of people according to wealth and power.
         In other words, the period after 1000AD, was featured by class based societies/ complex societies/ differentiated societies.
        Continuation…
         Differentiated societies were featured by centralized political institution known as States.
         A state is a political unity with a centralized leadership or common administration headed by the King who had power to:
    Collect tax
    Allocate people for public works
    Make laws of the state
    Enforcing the laws
    Administer justice
    Maintain peace and order
    Maintaining health status of his people
        Formation of centralized states in pre-colonial Tanzania
         In order to explain the formation of states in different parts of pre-colonial Tanzania, four regions will be cited as case studies:
    The North Western region
    The Ntemi region
    The North Eastern Tanzania
    The Southern highlands
    The Swahili Coast
 
              The North Western Tanzania
This area covers modern administrative regions of Kagera
and Kigoma, it forms part of the interlacustrine region
        Continuation……..
         Because of its favorable environment, it was among the earliest areas to be settled by the iron using Bantu speaking cultivators and pastoralists.
         The region has two climatic zones:
    The lake shore zone, laying at least 24 km from the lake Victoria. With its reliable rainfall, it was suitable for banana cultivation.
    The grassland belt running from Kagera to highland areas of Kigoma region. This area was suitable for animal keeping.
State formation in Kagera area
Before state formation in this area, the area was occupied by
small group of cultivators organized along lines of Clan or
Kinship.
 
        Continuation……
         After 1000AD, kinship organization began to disintegrate. This disintegration was a result of:
    Migration from nearby countries ( Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda) plus natural increase. Hence clan system was unable to accommodate the changes and challenges brought about by the new immigrants.
    Social differentiation or emergence of classes within the clan system. This resulted to the emergence of specialized groups such as the iron smith, pot makers, weavers, rain makers and medicine men. Some of these specialized clans became richer, influential and powerful  economically, socially and politically, than the rest. It was against this background that rulers emanated.
         Continuation…….
         In Karagwe, for example, after 1000AD, some powerful and influential clans socially, politically, and economically, had emerged. Example of such clans included:
    The Basita
    The Batundu
    The Bahunga
    The Bayango
    The Baheta.
These influential and powerful clans placed other clans
(weak and less influential) under their control. This marked
he beginning of the formation of kingdoms such as Karagwe,
Kyamtwara, and Ihangiro.
        State formation in  Kigoma area
         Further south, in Kigoma area of Buba, the leaders of the Bateko clan gradually became powerful and influential to the extent of  founding a state ( Buba). These clan leaders began their career(?) as people who were responsible in apportioning land to other members of their community.
         Gradually, they became landlords who demanded goods and labor services for the plots they gave to other members of the community.
         On the other hand, by the 16th century, the Tutsi dynasty known as the Bahumbi, established a kingdom in Buha, in the area North and East of Malagarasi river.
         The most notable social and political  feature of kingdoms developed in North Eastern Tanzania was the PATRON-CLIENT relationship., or the PATRONAGE OR CLIENTAGE.
        Continuation……
         Patronage was a system of giving favors  and privileges  by rulers to their subordinate officials (state officials below the king) in exchange for services and loyalty.
         In this relationship, the giver of favors was known as the PATRON, OR A MASTER.
         The receiver of the favors and privileges  from the patron was known as the CLIENT.
         In the Lake Victoria zone where cattle less in number and less important, this relationship was based on land.
 
       (ii) The Ntemi Region
         The region covered most of the western and central  Tanzania, including  areas like Usukuma, Unyamwezi, Unyiramba, and Ugogo . The rulers of political units  were known as “Mutemi”. States in this region are said to have evolved between 1000 and 1800AD.
         Colonial historians with their Hamitic myth / hypothesis  claims that, states in this area were formed by the Hamitic Bahima and the Tutsi. The Hamites are the people who are believed to be of European / Caucasoid  descent (  the Tutsi, the Bahima, the Gala, the Somalis, etc). The Hamitic hypothesis argues that civilization in Africa was brought by a superior race, the Hamites  who have European origin.
         Before state formation, it   was inhabited by crop cultivators. Population was vey low and thinly spread that villages and neighborhood were sufficient to constitute a political unity.
        Continuation……
         In Usukuma, leaders of such political units were known as Batemi, as such leaders were responsible in organizing people to clear the land for settlement and agriculture ( Kutema). Thus, the early Batemi functioned as village heads.
         As time went on, population grew due natural increase and migration. Population growth resulted to struggle for resources (land) and power (dominance) between leaders of such neighboring clans.
         In such struggles, clans like the Babinza, Bakwaya, Basega, Bakwimba, Basea, Basagali and Bakamba, emerged victorious and thus became the rulling clans in Usukuma.
         By the 16th century, large political institutions known as Mabutemi were formed as a result of uniting a number of several neighboring clans.
         Continuation……
         Each Butemi was headed by Ntemi who was assisted by a group of state officials (elders) known as Banang’oma or Banikulu at the central level (headquarters. At the village level he was assisted by village headmen known as the Banangwa.
         The major feature of the Ntemi region was the existence of numerous and tiny states . In Usukuma alone, for example there was about 30 small states before colonial invasion, and many more in Ugogo.
         The prevalence of numerous and tiny political units  in this region was attributed to :
    States were founded by different rulling clans in different places of the same region at the same time.
    The original state was surrounded by plenty of unoccupied land . As a result, people could move away from the original state and establish new settlement which eventually developed to independent political units.
        Continuation…..
    Shifting cultivation necessitated people to move away and establish new settlement and communities, which eventually evolved to political units (states). These movements were propped by the search for virgin land.
    Harsh environment (less fertile with marginal rainfall) of the region staved off the production of enough food surplus which could support large ruling classes
         In Ugogo, these states were more numerous and smaller as environmental conditions were more unfavorable than in Usukuma.
        (iii) North eastern Tanzania
         This area covered the highland regions of Usambara, Upare, Kilimanjaro, and Meru mountains. It also covered the Masai plains and areas bordering the Eastern arm of the rift valley.
         The region was occupied by iron using Bantu agriculturalist, Nilotic pastoralist, and Cushitic mixed farmers. Generally, states in this region were formed by iron working people.
         In Upare for example, the Shana iron making clan is said to have established the Gueno state before the 16th century.
         In the semi arid areas bordering North Eastern highlands such as the Masai plains and  Handeni, unfavorable environment and low level of technology could not support a high population in the region, thus limiting the evolution of states. Their social organization remained simple and based on age set.
        (iv) The southern highlands
         The region covers areas such as the highlands of Iringa, Mbeya, Rukwa and Ruvuma.
         This region was very eccentric, because, despite having favorable environment, it has limited population, and no centralized state evolved in this region before the arrival of the Ngoni during the 19th century. Several grounds can be used explain such a contradiction:
    Lack of iron and its associated technology. Hence, societies of the region went on using simple tools (wooden hoes) for cultivation until the 19th century when the Ngoni made their first appearance in the region.
    Extremely cold condition during the dry season could not woe a large population to allow social differentiation as it was in other regions
 
        Continuation…..
    Though the region received high rainfall ( above 1000mm), the soils were poor except in few places.
         However, such limitation could not make life impossible. The small population was well fed with banana, millet, Beans, rice and cattle products.
         Because land was abundant and population was low, then land was communally owned. This influenced the kind of social and political organization that developed in the region.
         The most important characteristic of social organization in this region was the age village.
         Age village was a situation where by people of the same age or generation lived together as equals in their own villages. When the youth began to marry, they lived in their own villages which were officially established after 30 years, and were headed by elected village head men called Amafumu.
        (iv) The Swahili Coast
         Was the largest East African coast covering southern coast of Somalia, the coastal areas of Kenya and Tanzania,  together with its adjacent islands ( example…) in the Indian ocean.
         When the Bantu inhabited the region, already, it was known to Indian ocean traders and Mediterranean region traders as the source of ivory, rhino horns, tortoise shells, mangrove poles and coconut oil as early as 2nd century BC .
         Among  the earliest visitors ( travelers and traders) of the East African coast  were the Greeks and the Romans who named it Azania. What these traders saw and heard  about the region (Azania), was written in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea  and the Ptolemy Geography.
    The Periplus of the Erythrean sea was a Greek document  which described and provided information about sailing conditions, trading centers (ports),  and trading opportunities in the Indian ocean (the Erythrean sea).  
        Continuation…..
    Generally, it was a marine book which had important information regarding sailing direction, navigation hazards (strong winds), harbors, cities, markets, and trade goods. It was written by unknown author about 70 AD in the Egyptian city of Alexandria.
      The Ptolemy geography , this document was written by a Greek-Roman citizen of Egypt, Claudius Ptolemy (90-168 AD). It was a compilation of several books and maps about African physical features,  for example, the Nile river and its direction of flow. It also contained important accounts about the East African coastal trading activities.
Ø  Though before 1000AD trading relation between Azania and the Mediterranean region, Arabia and India were so limited and irregular, very few trading centers or towns succeeded to emerge along the East African coast as a result of this trade.
        Continuation…..
    Among such towns, Rhapta was the most known and well documented. Account of the Erythtrean sea locates  the city somewhere between the Ruvuma and Pangani rivers. But Rhapta is said to have disappeared soon after the collapse of the Roman empire in the 5th century AD. To date, archaeologists are working die and do find out where exactly Rhapta was located.
Ø  Social, political and economic changes began taking place along the East African coast from about 1000 AD, as it was in other parts of the country. Arab writers such as All Masoud, All Idris and Ibn Batuta points out that, the region began receiving  Muslim, Persians traders and settlers since the 10th century.
        Continuation…….
ü These Arab scholars, further maintains that, these early Arabs settled first at Benadir (Somalia) and Kenyan coast, and referred the East African coast as the “Zenj (land of the blacks) empire”.
ü However, historians have refuted the argument about the existence of the Zenj empire, since the East African coast never united in history as each town was an independent city state with its own ruler and political administration.
Ø  After 1000 AD, Tanzanian coast became very important as a result of 2 factors :
ü  Increased demand for ivory by the Chinese and Indian traders.
ü Increased demand of gold from Mwenemutapa ( Zimbabwe) by the Persians, after their old source gold (Central Asia ) was captured by the Mongols .
 
        Continuation…..
v Since the southern coast of Tanzania was suitable ( in terms of good natural harbors) and close to Mwenemutapa, then, trade in gold facilitated the growth of several independent ports  (which later became independent City states) such  as Kaole, Kunduchi, Mafia, Kilwa kisiwani, Kilwa kivinje, and Kilwa songomnara.
          By 1200AD, Kilwa was an independent city state ruled by the Sultan (head of the city state), handled most of the gold and ivory trade. In carrying his administrative duties, the Sultan was assisted by state officials ( Waungwana) who came from  the most influential families.
         Therefore, by 1200AD each of the East African coastal town was an independent city state until when the Portuguese conquered the East African coast in the 16th century.
 
 
        Continuation…..
Ø  The economy of these city states depended on agriculture, fishing and trade with the interior on one hand and the external world, on the other hand.
    The economy of these city was devastated (how ?) by the Portuguese when they conquered and ruled the East African coast between the 16th and the 17th centuries.
         Economic recovery of these city states came when the Portuguese were expelled form the East African coast by the Arabs in collaboration with the Swahili traders towards the end of the 17th century (following the capture and collapse of the Fort Jesus in Mombasa in 1698).
         From the middle of the 18th century, several other towns such as Tanga, Pangani, Saadan, Lindi, Bagamoyo, Mbwamaji, and Mikindani, gradually emerged as a result of caravan trade between the coast and the interior.
        Commodity production and exchange to 1800 AD
         Commodity is a product which is produced basically for sell. It is an item which has a market value, that can be bought and sold in the market. It is  something which is produced mainly for exchange and not for subsistence.
         Commodity production refers to the process of generating items (trade goods) to be sold and bought in the market as may be determined by the market forces of demand and supply.
         Commodity exchange refers to the process of transacting trade goods in the market involving two sides, the buyer and the seller.
         The major determinant of commodity production and exchange is the  variation of resource endowment between regions or areas. Regions specializes in  producing certain commodities depending on the available resources.
        Continuation…….
         Different regions may have different resources and therefore would produce different commodities. This in turn, brings the need for exchanging goods as one region may specialize in producing certain items/commodities which may be urgently needed in the other region.
         In order to analyze commodity production and exchange in pre-colonial Tanzania, five economic regions will be cited as case studies:
    The Interlucustrine region
    Western and Central region
    North Eastern Tanzania region
    The Southern interior region
    The Swahili Coast region
        Commodity Production & exchange in the Interlucustrine region.
Ø  The region covered the present day Kigoma and Kagera administrative regions. By 1000AD some parts of this region had specialized in producing certain commodities. For example:
    Areas like Karagwe, Buzinza, Buha,and  Butusi specialized in animal production.
    The regions of the Bairu and Bahutu specialized in crop production.
         Since both places demanded items that they did not produce, then, exchange of goods between the two regions became necessary. They were thus, exchanging animal products such as milk, meat, skin, and agricultural products such as banana, millet, beans, yams, and sweet potatoes.
         Continuation……
         Commodities which were not produced within the region had to be acquired from outside the region. For example:
ü The region produced poor quality salt out of surface pans  and saline grasses (reeds). But because the people of this region needed high quality salt  for seasoning (adding flavor) their food, then such salt had to be imported from western Uganda (around shores of lake Albert) through exchange .
         Large deposits of iron ores were found in areas like Karagwe, Buzinza, Buhaya, and Buha. Thus, these areas became the major suppliers of iron tools to other parts of the Interlucustrine region and Western Tanzania which lacked deposits of iron ore and iron technology.
         The above description shows how commodity production and exchange developed in the Interlucustrine region.
        Commodity production and exchange in Western and Central Tanzania
         The region covered central and western Tanzania and was featured by harsh environment (poor soils, irregular and unreliable rainfall). This kind of environment supported the growth of seasonal crops such as grains (sorghum and millet) and livestock keeping.
         Due to the nature of the environment, the people of this region were unable to get enough food to sustain them throughout the year. To ensure their survival, they  opted for the following 3 adaptive mechanisms:
    They adapted shifting cultivation in order to maintain marginal (low) production  of their main food crops, especially millet and sorghum.
    They made use of the forests, and rivers around by hunting wild animals, collecting honey, making wooden crafts and fishing
        Continuation…..
    They developed an exchange system which enabled them to share their resources among themselves and to acquire from their neighbors the products which they were unable to produce
        Commodity production in this region, was greatly influenced by  uneven distribution of resources and regional and group specialization as it was in other parts of the pre colonial Tanzania:
    People of western Unyamwezi specialized in fishing and pot making, and thus exchanged their dried fish and pots for grain with their north western neighbors.
    People of southern Unyamwezi and Ukimbu who specialized in producing bark cloth, bark boxeshoney collection and wooden crafts ( furniture production) exchange their products for grains and other products from their neighbors
        Continuation….
    The people of north eastern Unyamwezi and Usukuma, exchange their cattle products for food, and iron goods  from southern Unyamwezi and Ukimbu.
    Iron tools were imported from neighboring areas of Buzinza, Buha, and Ufipa. The collection of these iron tools from their centers of production, usually took place during the dry season. Why was this the case? Two reasons were important:
     During the dry season people were free from agricultural works.
     There was no rain, and therefore traveling was easier as there was no overflowing rivers or swamps to cross.
High quality salt was produced in few places such as Uvinza, western end of lake Rukwa (Ivuna) and in western Ugogo.
        Continuation….
         From this analysis of trading relations in the western and central Tanzania, then, it can be observed that, the needs to obtain iron tools and high quality salt from their centers of production made the people of this region, particularly the Wanyamwezi to develop the habit of organizing caravans and participating in them.
         This habit enabled them to be the most active participants  in long distance trade between the coast  and the East African interior during the 19th century.
         What was originally local exchange in basic goods like foodstuffs, salt, iron goods, livestock and livestock products gradually, expanded and connected Western and Central Tanzania with other regions of east and Central Africa.
        Commodity production  and exchange in North Eastern region
         This region consisted of the Muheza and Handen plateau, the highlands of Usambara, Pare, Kilimanjaro, Meru, and the Masai plateua. The area is also commonly referred to as the Pangani valley as it is drained by the Pangani river.
         The region had developed regional trade networks involving pastoral Masai, agricultural Masai (the Kwavi),the Chaga, the Shambaa, the Pare, the Bondei, the Digo and the Zigua.
         Transactions involved ordinary consumer goods such foodstuff, livestock, craft materials, animal products and tobacco.
    The Pare (the Shana iron smith) were the most famous iron smelters who supplied iron implements to the Chagga, Masai, and the Shambaa.
    The Shambaa in turn specialized in tobacco production. This was exchanged with commodities from the Zigua, Masai, Pare, Bondei and Digo.
        Continuation……
    The Shambaa also exchanged their tobacco, and livestock products for fish with the Swahili.
    The Zigua specialized in salt production on the plains near Mombo. They also exchanged their iron goods and game meat for bananas, tobacco and other goods from the Zigua.
         Therefore , it is clear that, the people of the Pangani valley had developed networks of local and regional trade which by 1800 AD had extended to the ports of Tanga and Pangani.
         Commodity production and exchange in the Southern interior
         The region extends from the Makonde plateau in the East to the Fipa plateau in the West, and from the highlands Iringa and Mbeya in the North to the Ruvuma river and lake Nyasa to the South.
         Trading partners included the Makonde, Makua, Yao, Kinga, Nyakyusa, Bena, Sangu, Hehe, and Fipa.
         The main trade goods produced in the region were foodstuffs, animal products, iron tools, pots, cotton and cloth.
         The Fipa specialized in producing iron tools, cotton cloth and dried fish. This, were exported to Western Tanzania, North Eastern Zambia and North Eastern Malawi.
         The Nyiha, Kinga and Yao also were another  group of iron smelters. The Nyiha and Kinga supplied their iron tools to the people of the highlands, where as the Yao supplied their iron implements to the people of the South East of the highlands.
        Continuation……
         The Kisi of North Eastern shores of lake Nyasa were specialized pot makers. Their pots were exported to Southern highlands and North Eastern Malawi.
         The Ndali of Ileje specialized in making bark cloth and exchanged their products with the rest of the societies in the region as cloth was needed almost every where in the region(universal need).
         Thus, by 1800 AD, a number of exchange relations had developed in the southern interior region of pre colonial Tanzania.
        Commodity production and exchange in the Swahili coast
         Historical evidence indicates that after 1000AD the region was occupied by the Swahili speaking people who were iron using agriculturalists. They also fished and traded their goods with external traders who visited the coast occasionally.
         After the Swahili settled along the coast, their small villages spontaneously evolved into small and big towns mainly as a result of external commercial influences.
         Most of the Swahili societies settled on beaches and islands without good natural harbors.  They were thus forced to become fishermen and farmers. They produced sorghum, millet, fish, iron implements, fruits and vegetable for both, consumption and exchange.
        Continuation……
         They exchanged their products among themselves and with their neighbors of the hinterland from whom they acquired ivory, rhino horns, animal skin, honey, quality salt and other things.
         They also traded with foreign traders who occasionally visited the coast. Increased commercial contacts between the coast and the external world resulted to the growth of coastal towns into independent city states.